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Rana Ayyub is an award-winning investigative journalist and political writer. She is working on a book on Prime Minister Narendra Modi which will be published in 2015.)
Hours after the trust vote in Maharashtra, the Shiv Sena redesigned a BJP campaign poster from the Maharashtra elections. The original poster had Narendra Modi with Shivaji in the backdrop and the legend, "
Chhatrapaticha ashirwad, chala deu Modila saath (With the blessings of Shivaji, let's support Modi).
The Shiv Sena version, symbolically in Hindi, says, "
Sharad Pawar ka aashirwaad, chalo chalein Modi ke saath (With Sharad Pawar's support, let us chart the road ahead with Modi)."
The dig at Sharad Pawar's manipulative politics is the first public attack by the Shiv Sena, a 25-year-old ally of the BJP in Maharashtra till they fell apart two months ago. The poster also says, "Let's build a non-corrupt Maharashtra, let's forget Air India, irrigation and Lavassa" hinting at some of the most high-profile corruption cases that have been associated with Pawar's Nationalist Congress Party.
While BJP president Amit Shah, responsible for the split with the Sena in Maharashtra was at the receiving end thus far, the focus has now shifted to the alleged brain behind the power play in the state - Sharad Pawar, the man whose brand of politics knows few parallels.
Devendra Fadnavis might have become the Chief Minister of Maharashtra, but Sharad Pawar, whose famed prime ministerial ambition remained unfulfilled, displayed shrewd political acumen in retaining Maharashtra, a state which holds the key to his and his party's existence.
Was it unexpected of Pawar, a man who claimed to be an ally of the Congress despite breaking away from the party, to save the country from communal forces? A man whose MLA from Mumbra, Greater Mumbai, called Modi and Shah "murderers of Ishrat Jahan" (his constituency with a predominantly Muslim population is also home to the family of Ishrat, an 18 year old killed by policemen in Gujarat 10 years ago).
For those familiar with Pawar's brand of politics, this is just a facet.
For Pawar plays victim and oppressor as per the dictates of power, like his very public resignation from the UPA and his post of agriculture minister in 2012, when he declared that the Congress had been acting unilaterally and taking the NCP for granted.
This was the time when the astute Maharashtrian was trying to stoke rebellion in the government to ensure support, had the situation post the national elections in 2014 been conducive for a third front. Pawar's back story was an ultimatum to the Congress to ensure Prithviraj Chavan, the then Chief Minister of Maharashtra, was forced to back out of his intent to bring a white paper on the irrigation scam.
While chaos continued with television channels playing out the possible consequences of the Congress-NCP split, Pawar's lieutenants, including his second-in-command Praful Patel held off-the-record darbars with senior editors mocking the Congress and its big brother attitude.
It was also around this time that I witnessed some Pawar play. I had done many interviews with Sharad Pawar in the past, being forced to take late night flights to get an exclusive interview at seven in the morning. I remember getting a call from a private number while writing a profile of the man whose gamble for 2014 was being talked about. "Sharad Pawar here," said the slurry voice on the other end, curious to know my views on the political maneuvering that was playing out.
"You really think I am doing this for power or for some post for my leader in Maharshtra? No, this is about my dignity and that of my colleagues in other parties in the UPA. The Congress is taking them all for granted. I have not given an interview to any journalist but you are writing on this so I am calling you so you know what the truth is"
This was classic Pawar. He was not talking to me, he was talking to the allies, hoping it would find its way to them as his version of the story. The year was 2012 and his prospects were dimming.
In the past, with the Congress, he had only faced disappointment. Whether it was post Rajiv Gandhi's assassination in 1991, where his then confidante Suresh Kalmadi had called journalists to tell them about his mentor being the next PM, or then 1997, when post Narasimha Rao's exit he tried to take charge.
In May 2014, while the Congress was in mourning and reading its obituary, Pawar, whose party was routed, with just four Lok Sabha MPs, had already made his first move. His MLAs had begun talks with BJP leaders in the state sensing the Sena's disgruntlement with Shah and Modi.
For the BJP, the NCP's help could not have come at a better time. It wanted to usurp the Sena's position as the commanding party in their coalition and bolster its own prospects further in time for the Maharashtra state elections.
In return, Pawar was allegedly assured that most of his projects, many allegedly with real estate honchos, would not be touched. Ajit Pawar would remain safe and daughter Supriya could be considered for a significant role in Delhi in the near future.
Many in the party insist that Modi's jibes at the NCP as the "Naturally Corrupt Party" were intentional and a part of a well-laid strategy to which both the Sena and Congress had no response.
With internal calculations in place, the NCP was well aware that the Congress NCP combine could not form a government together. The timing of the party announcing its split with the Congress within hours of the BJP severing its ties with the Sena was a well-laid plan, just like the trust vote.
It is believed that at a meeting with BJP office-bearers, it was Pawar's decision to call for a voice-vote to help the BJP sail through the process without any embarrassment.
In a strategic move, he stated post the trust vote that running a minority government would be a challenge for the BJP and that Chief Minister Devendra Fadnavis would have to showcase the same kind of deftness as an Atal Bihari Vajpayee or PV Narasimha Rao, both having run minority governments in the past.
The message was clear - the NCP would keep the sword hanging over the BJP. Any move to pressure the NCP with a case against his family member would mean withdrawal of support. Without asking for any ministry in the present government, Pawar has ensured that his interests are safe and that he will shadow-run important decisions of the Maharashtra cabinet.
If Bal Thackeray, the Shiv Sena supremo had been alive, he would have written a mock satire on Pawar's moves, well-versed as he was with his friend's tried and tested politics. He would suggest in mock humour at various political events that Pawar could never have a political rival.
Disclaimer: The opinions expressed within this article are the personal opinions of the author. NDTV is not responsible for the accuracy, completeness, suitability, or validity of any information on this article. All information is provided on an as-is basis. The information, facts or opinions appearing in the article do not reflect the views of NDTV and NDTV does not assume any responsibility or liability for the same.In 1989, when Pawar was the CM, Chhagan Bhujbal, the only Shiv Sena legislator in the Maharashtra assembly, launched a vitriolic campaign against him over an alleged scam. Years later he was in Pawar's fold as his deputy CM in the state. This was the same Pawar who did not shy away from holding a joint political rally with George Fernandes and Bal Thackeray in the 1980s to clip the wings of popular trade union leader Datta Samant.
Not much has changed in 2014. Despite having being thrown out of power in the assembly elections, he and his NCP continue to be on the right side in Maharashtra, taking the high moral ground.
Pawar is also believed to have played a significant role in getting Suresh Prabhu, his friend from the Sena on to the NDA bandwagon for a high profile ministry. This is just a page from the rules of Pawar for Indian politics.