Trinamool vs BJP: The Big Battle For The Matua Vote Bank

On December 20, Prime Minister Narendra Modi's visit to the Matua-dominated Ranaghat in West Bengal's Nadia district held symbolic significance for the Matua voters, who perceive the right to vote as a sine qua non of their identity and sense of security.

The aborted chopper landing because of poor visibility, and the silence on 'SIR (i.e., Special Intensive Revision) fear" in the Prime Minister's virtual speech, created anxiety among a section of the Matuas.

As a result, the carefully calibrated electoral push by the BJP ran into temporary turbulence.

On December 16, the Election Commission published a draft list of Bengal's voters, in which the number of voters shrank from 7.66 crore to 7.08 crore. The list caused panic among the Matuas.

Who are Matuas?

The Matuas are a prominent Scheduled Caste consisting primarily of Namasudras who migrated from Bangladesh (then East Pakistan) due to religious persecution. At 17.4 per cent, they form the second largest SC population in Bengal after the Rajbanshis (18.4 per cent) and Bagdis (14.9 per cent).

They are also a critical voter base for the Bharatiya Janata Party, the main opposition party, and the ruling Trinamool Congress, since they hold sway over 45 of the state's 294 Assembly seats.

They are spread over several districts, including Nadia, North and South 24 Parganas, Purba Bardhaman, and Howrah in south Bengal, and Cooch Behar and Malda in north Bengal.

The 2019 gains came at the cost of the Trinamool, the Congress and the CPM-led Left coalition.

The Matuas played a pivotal role in the BJP's 2019 surge; the promise of the Citizenship Amendment Act had, by then, generated hope among the community's refugees from Bangladesh.

That hope in the BJP largely carried into the 2021 election.

Across 20 constituencies in Nadia, North and South 24 Parganas, and significant parts of north Bengal, which are Matua-dominated, the percentage vote gained by the BJP remained largely intact.

* strength down to 65 after defections, by-poll defeats

In the build-up to the 2021 election the BJP was confident it would win close to 200 seats.

It ended with 77 seats and 38.5 per cent of the votes; this after it poached a slew of Trinamool heavyweights, including Suvendu Adhikari, who defeated Mamata Banerjee in Nandigram.

*reduction in seats not votes

Matuas: Their history and politics

The Matua is a 19th century radical anti-Brahmanical sect founded by Harichand Thakur from the lower-caste Namasudras in the 1870s in Bangladesh; of course, then it was called East Bangladesh.

The original name for the Namsudras was Chandala.

The Matuas became a potent social force against upper-caste hegemony in eastern Bengal.

Their philosophy - which critiques key elements of classical Vedic Hinduism - underscores a rejection of caste that resonates deeply within the community. Over the years, however, as the sect faced the pressures of external political climates and internal transformations, it became Hinduised.

Figures like Thakur were reimagined as divine incarnations.

This shift complicated their anti-caste roots.

Matua community members have migrated in different phases - the Partition, the 1971 war, and, recently, during communal clashes in Bangladesh. To the BJP, they are a persecuted Hindu minority, unlike the Muslims who also migrated but are now attacked as 'infiltrators', or 'ghuspaithis'.

Why are Matuas miffed over SIR?

A large section of Matua voters in North 24 Parganas and Nadia, both districts bordering Bangladesh, have been marked as 'unmapped', which raised serious questions about their voting rights.

This led to a sharp escalation of political tensions between the Trinamool and the BJP.

The uncertainty concerning the voter lists also led to a simmering anger among the Matuas, which threatens to erode that community's support for the BJP months ahead of the 2026 election.

According to EC, the 2002 voter list was used as the template for verifying voter information.

Those voters whose names are shown as 'unmapped' in the current draft list are primarily those whose names, or the names of their ancestors (parents), could not be found in the 2002 list.

It was, therefore, not possible to establish a family connection, the EC said. In such a situation there is confusion regarding the submission of pre-1950 or 1971 documents, or pre-2002 proof of residence.

Statistics show the percentage of 'unmapped' voters in constituencies seen as Matua strongholds is alarming. According to the draft list, 14.5 per cent of voters in Gaighata, 13.6 per cent in Habra, and 12.7 per cent in Bagda - all bordering areas - could not be mapped. In Kalyani in Nadia district, the rate is 11.9 per cent, and it is 11.2 per cent in Ranaghat North-East and 11.3 per cent in Bongaon North.

In addition, between seven to 10 per cent of voters from Krishnaganj, Ranaghat North-West and South, Chakdaha, Shantipur, and Haringhata are also on this list.

According to the All India Matua Mahasangha, there are approximately 18 million Matua voters in Bengal across nearly 100 constituencies, of which they are seen as the deciding factor in 21.

Naturally then, a political blame-game has broken out after the draft list was published.

BJP MP Shantanu Thakur, who represents Bangaon, expressed concern and urged the government to 'expedite' the CAA certificate process. The situation will become chaotic otherwise, he warned.

The Trinamool, meanwhile, retaliated via MP Mamata Bala Thakur, who said the party remains firm in its demand for unconditional citizenship to the Matuas. Trinamool spokesperson Arup Chakraborty said the BJP had "actually jeopardised its own vote bank through this complicated process of SIR and CAA".

Currently, thousands of Matuas have submitted CAA-routed applications citizenship.

As a result, protecting their voting rights through this legal process has become a major challenge for the community, and it is uncertain which way they will swing in the 2026 Bengal election.

CAA has revitalised Matua-Namsudra

The  debate surrounding the CAA and related rules has revitalised focus on the Matua-Namasudra community. Touted as a lifeline for religiously persecuted Hindus (minorities from neighbouring countries), it has been painted as a boon for the Matuas.

Yet, this promise contrasts sharply with the community's historical struggles, particularly post-Partition, when many Namasudras were left stranded as refugees amid rising communal tensions.

The Partition was a watershed moment, severing ties for countless Namasudras who found themselves on the wrong side of the border. The exodus of refugees from East Pakistan transformed communal dynamics, embedding the Namasudras within a still-resonating narrative of displacement.

While upper-caste migrants found early refuge and assimilation, the lower-caste Namasudras - predominantly cultivators and labourers - were left marginalised within stringent citizenship frameworks.

The Trinamool's struggle for the Matua vote thus becomes fraught with contradictions.

For years, the community has been at the mercy of challenging citizenship laws that failed to account for the legacies of violence and displacement they endured. While many Matuas managed to attain de facto citizenship through government documents like Aadhaar cards, the imposition of the CAA added a layer of anxiety. The BJP's efforts to mobilise support through a "politics of memory," portraying the community as victims of religious persecution, resonate against this but also invite scepticism.

How Mamata Banerjee-led Trinamool wooed Matuas

The competing narratives of the Trinamool and BJP offer a striking contrast.

Under Mamata Banerjee's leadership, the Trinamool has made symbolic gestures to woo Matuas, such as the establishment of the Harichand-Guruchand University and the elevation of community leaders.

However, given the Trinamool is a regional party of Bengal and not in power in Delhi, its failure to address the central issue of citizenship left the door ajar for the BJP.

Being in power at the centre, the BJP's political strategy actively reshaped the Matua identity, urging them to view themselves through the prism of "Hindu displacement" rather than caste victimhood.

The Matua community played a pivotal role in the BJP's surge in Bengal during the 2019 Lok Sabha election. Yet, as the countdown to the 2026 election ticks on, the BJP's grasp appears tenuous.

The notification of the Citizenship Amendment Rules (CAR) - aimed at consolidating Matua support - has sparked new complications. Constraints surrounding the application process reveal troubling gaps; many applicants lack requisite documentation and fear the legal ramifications of revealing their pasts.

Some Matuas fear disenfranchisement amid the SIR exercise by the EC

To add salt to injury, a section of the Matuas fear disenfranchisement amid the Special Intensive Revision. Several are reportedly unable to establish personal or parental linkage with the 2002 list.

Trinamool leaders have begun to make exaggerated claims about the PM's failure to address the community's apprehension over loss of voting rights. At a press conference in Kolkata - after the PM's Ranaghat visit - Trinamool MP Mamata Bala Thakur, herself a Matua community member, said: "Matuas had hoped Modiji would reassure them during his visit. But his silence has aggravated their fear."

"Matuas are living in uncertainty after the SIR process; almost 95 per cent of the community members do not have with them any of the 11 documents required by the EC to be allowed to vote in 2026."

The battle for the Matua vote

The political contest is underscored by broader ideological battles - the BJP's Hindutva-driven narrative versus the Trinamool's secular, regionalist ethos. This divide is significant as it colours the perception of both parties within the Matua community.

While the BJP looks to frame itself as the guardian of Hindu identity, the Trinamool emphasises inclusiveness and community welfare, making the Matuas navigate a complex political terrain.

In this shifting landscape, the Matua vote represents more than a configuration of numbers; it encapsulates a struggle for identity, dignity, and recognition within the larger discourse of Indian democracy.

As 2026 approaches, the contest between the BJP and Trinamool will not only determine electoral fortunes but also shape the narrative that defines what it means to belong in a region steeped in cultural and historical richness.