One of the more intriguing challenges that confronted Atal Behari Vajpayee was that his political credentials were constantly being questioned by those who claimed to be his well-wishers. Vajpayee had become accustomed to laughing away the charge of being the right man in the wrong party, but the taunt was, nevertheless, unsettling for a man who often found himself not entirely in agreement with either the party or the RSS. There was, of course, a deep sense of corporate loyalty that tied Vajpayee to the BJP and its members across the country, but the mere fact that many outsiders perceived him to be different was revealing. It suggested that there was a stereotype of the BJP that prevailed in Lutyens' Delhi and which was at odds with Vajpayee the man.
A Party Man, Out And Out
It is extremely unlikely that the political identity of Prime Minister Narendra Modi will be the subject of similar ambivalence. Beginning from his detractors, such as Ashis Nandy, who once described him as a dyed-in-the-wool fascist, to the adoring multitudes who project him as the 'Hindu Hridaysamrat', today's version of Chhatrapati Shivaji, there is zero confusion over the political affiliation of Modi. Even when he was briefly banished from Gujarat in the mid-1990s, having been caught in the factional crossfire of the BJP, there was absolutely no ambiguity over Modi's BJP's credentials. He was and has been out and out a party man. This is also understood and appreciated by the entire saffron flock.
For any Prime Minister handling the complexities of both administration and national politics, there is ample scope to develop strains in the relationship with the party and the wider Parivar. The misunderstandings between Vajpayee and the then RSS Sarsanghachalak KS Sudarshan were not hidden behind closed doors. There were times when the issue of appointments of key administrative personnel or even ministers threatened the very stability of a fragile coalition.
The Relationship With RSS
For Modi, this has not been a problem since he assumed charge in 2014. To a very large extent, this owes to the relationship of trust that exists between the PM and Mohan Bhagwat, the present Sarsanghachalak, whereby important (or potentially discordant) issues are quietly settled through mutual consultation. Secondly, Modi has been extremely generous in accommodating both BJP old-timers and erstwhile pracharaks of the RSS in different posts, including those of Governor. In return, neither the RSS nor party stalwarts have been inclined to make gratuitous comments on how Modi is running his government.
A feature of the Modi regime is its ability to use the party as a backup force, complementing government initiatives with popular mobilisation. This approach has been successful for an obvious reason: the party is fully aware that the incremental vote that determines the difference between victory and defeat in any election comes on account of Modi's enormous personal standing. Be it a state assembly election or a parliamentary poll, there is a sizable vote for the BJP that comes on account of the leadership of Modi. The BJP's electoral machinery is useful to harvest this goodwill.
The Rise And Rise Of The BJP
For the BJP, PM Modi has been a blessing. During the 2014 campaign, the BJP's detractors believed that the party could never transcend its limited social and geographical base. Geography was indeed a problem in 2014. But this was overcome by the BJP maximising its victories in its core areas of strength.
By 2019, Modi was a national figure, known throughout the land. Riding on the back of the Prime Minister's growing cult status, the BJP was able to undertake a geographical expression, particularly in eastern and southern India. The North-east used to fetch nominal returns for the BJP. Today the BJP has command of state governments in Tripura, Arunachal Pradesh and Assam, and is playing a waiting game in Manipur. In the rest of eastern India, it now has its own government in Odisha and is the principal opposition in West Bengal. Southern India, apart from Karnataka and Telangana, may be patchier for the BJP. However, it has established enough of a foothold in all states to be regarded as a truly national party.
Much of this expansion since 2014 owes to the efforts and orientation of Amit Shah during his stint as national president of BJP. However, the growth was possible because of the appeal of Modi.
Modi has always complemented the party, providing it a strategic push on occasions. The celebrations of his landmark 75th birth anniversary will naturally be spearheaded by a party that is aware that its transformation into the largest political party in the democratic world is the result of a very happy blend: Modi plus Hindutva.
(The author is a reputed journalist and political commentator, and a former Rajya Sabha MP)
Disclaimer: These are the personal opinions of the author
