On the birth anniversary of Dr B.R. Ambedkar, Prime Minister Narendra Modi reaffirmed his government's unwavering commitment to the ideals of social justice and equity. In line with this vision, the decision to undertake a caste census represents yet another historic step towards empowering India's underprivileged communities.
The Congress party, by contrast, has a long and troubled history of treating caste not as a tool for empowerment but as a vehicle for short-term electoral gains. Indira Gandhi, despite projecting slogans like "Na jaat par na paat par, mohar lagegi haath par" staunchly opposed a caste census. Her successor, Rajiv Gandhi, delayed the implementation of the Mandal Commission report for years and, more significantly, failed to grant constitutional status to the OBC Commission - a status later conferred under Prime Minister Modi's leadership. Notably, Rajiv Gandhi's longest speech in Parliament was not in support of social justice but in opposition to the Mandal recommendations.
Today, Rahul Gandhi and his supporters attempt to claim credit for the Modi government's decision to conduct a caste census. A closer examination of history, however, tells a different story. The practice of caste enumeration in India began in 1881 and continued until 1931. Although caste data was collected in 1941, it was never published. After Independence, from 1951 to 2011, census exercises recorded data only for Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes, systematically excluding Other Backward Classes (OBCs).
Congress's ambiguous stance on reservation has surfaced repeatedly throughout history. A former Congress Prime Minister reportedly referred to reservation beneficiaries as "fools", underlining the party's dismissive attitude towards genuine empowerment.
The UPA government, led by Manmohan Singh, promised a caste census in 2011 but failed to deliver. Instead, it carried out the Socio-Economic Caste Census (SECC) - a diluted effort more concerned with political optics than delivering social justice. The SECC was riddled with errors; over eight crore mistakes were reported. Despite significant expenditure, the caste data collected was never released to the public. Operational inefficiencies and the scale of inaccuracies rendered the entire exercise futile.
Congress's attempts at caste surveys at the state level have fared no better. In Telangana, a recent caste census was marred by glaring irregularities. Forms meant for data collection were found discarded on roads and picked up by ragpickers. Many citizens reported that enumerators never visited their homes, while others cited a lack of trust in the government as a reason for refusing to provide information. Consequently, the OBC population was grossly underreported.
The Karnataka experience under Congress was similarly chaotic. In Siddaramaiah's first term as Chief Minister, a caste survey led by H. Kantharaj, then chairman of the Backward Classes Commission, cost the exchequer ₹165 crore. Yet, the findings - leaked in 2016 - sparked panic within the Congress leadership. The data upset established political assumptions: Lingayats were found to be far fewer than previously estimated, and Vokkaligas also registered lower numbers. The final report was placed before the Karnataka Cabinet only in April 2025 - nearly a decade after the survey - and was conveniently withdrawn by the Congress government at the last minute.
In contrast, the BJP has consistently advocated for genuine social justice. In 2010, it supported the idea of a caste census, recognising its necessity for equitable policymaking. Unfortunately, the then Congress-led UPA government lacked the political will to carry out a credible exercise.
Prime Minister Modi's decision to integrate the caste census with the decadal population census is a strategic masterstroke. Conducted under the constitutional framework of Article 246, the census will carry the force of law, ensuring robustness, scientific rigour, and credibility - qualities absent in state-level surveys driven by political expediency.
The aim is not to divide Hindus into narrower vote banks, as the opposition has often attempted, but to ensure caste representation without promoting caste domination. It is about identifying and uplifting communities that have remained marginalised despite constitutional promises. By bringing them into the mainstream, the caste census will strengthen the social fabric of the Hindu community, not weaken it.
In an era where social justice must be defined by empowerment and opportunity rather than tokenism, Prime Minister Modi's caste census initiative represents a major leap forward. It is a move rooted not in electoral calculation, but in the spirit of Dr Ambedkar's vision: that true social justice can only be realised when opportunity is extended to every citizen, regardless of their social origins.
The BJP's approach reaffirms this commitment - shifting the narrative from caste as an instrument of division to caste as a means of genuine upliftment. India's future lies not in fragmented identities, but in the creation of a more equitable society, built on the firm foundations of accurate data, sound policymaking, and resolute political will.
(The author is national spokesperson, Bharatiya Janata Party)
Disclaimer: These are the personal opinions of the author
