Politics rarely announces itself honestly. When it does, it usually wears the language of unity, concern, or social harmony. That is precisely why the almost perfectly timed press interactions by Vellappally Natesan and C Sukumaran Nair on a Sunday afternoon ahead of a much-anticipated legislative assembly election deserve closer scrutiny.
On the surface, both leaders spoke about Hindu unity and the need for communities to come together in Kerala's changing political landscape.
Scratch that surface, and a far more political picture emerges, one that appears unmistakably tilted in favour of the Communist Party of India (Marxist) - CPI(M) - and sharply hostile to V D Satheeshan.
Synchronised Signals, Singular Target
The near-synchronous timing of the two press conferences, minutes apart on a Sunday, didn't seem accidental. The messaging was aligned, the targets were identical, and the tone was unusually aggressive.
Both caste leaders trained their fire on Satheeshan, questioning his authority, his language, and even his legitimacy to speak for the Congress.
READ: Explained: Why Amit Shah's Kerala Visit Signals A Serious BJP Push
Sukumaran Nair's outburst was particularly striking. His public reprimand of the Congress leadership, asking whether the party even a president has if Satheeshan is allowed to speak unchecked, was not just criticism. It was a warning. The messaging was clear. Rein in Satheeshan or risk alienation.
That message matters because caste organisations in Kerala have traditionally functioned as silent power brokers. In Kerala, where the Hindu community vote, they are predominantly from the Ezhava community (26%) and the Nair community (8-10%) of the total 52% vote share of Hindus, and when they speak this openly, it signals a shift.
Whether Natesan's and Sukumaran's stances get the same clout of support from their community in terms of votes electorally is a different debate altogether; the leadership stance is no longer vague.
The Chief Minister Question Without Naming It
Equally telling was what followed. Sukumaran Nair's pointed remark that the Congress has no chief ministerial candidate was not rhetorical. By underlining Ramesh Chennithala as a better alternative, he effectively signalled discomfort with Satheeshan's emergence as the face of the United Democratic Front.
This is where caste arithmetic intersects with succession politics. If influential community leaders are unwilling to endorse Satheeshan as a future chief ministerial candidate, that resistance could become decisive in post-election negotiations, especially in a fractured mandate.
Soft On Vijayan, Hard On Congress
Contrast the hostility towards Satheeshan with the conspicuous restraint, and at times admiration, shown towards Chief Minister Pinarayi Vijayan. Both leaders praised him as decent, credited him with maintaining communal peace, and spoke of long-standing personal relationships.
That asymmetry cannot be ignored. Criticism for the Congress and the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) flowed freely, but the CPI(M) leadership was treated with care.
READ: Congress' Poll Strategy - Use Pinarayi Vijayan's "Get Out" Remark Against Him
Even Suresh Gopi, a BJP MP, was dismissed sharply, with his visit to the Nair Service Society (NSS) headquarters reduced political opportunism. The message was blunt. The BJP may have won Thrissur, but it will not capture caste organisations in the same manner, Nair thundered. He also criticised the BJP MP for never stepping into NSS Headquarters before.
He also made a brazen attack on the inability of the centre to keep the Pamba River in Sabarimala clean without even realising that water management and river pollution control fall under the State List in India's Constitution, making the Kerala government responsible for rivers within its borders.
Instead, Nair trained his gun on the BJP's inability to clean the Pamba river, where devotees are forced to take baths in muck-filled water, in contrast to projects done in North India. He also vehemently criticised the Centre for not providing railway and airport connectivity to the hill shrine.
Malabar Math And The Muslim League Factor
Vellappally Natesan's remarks about reservations and the Muslim League add another layer. By framing Muslim political assertion as a threat to majority reservation benefits, he echoed a narrative that directly benefits the CPI(M) in Malabar, where the BJP lacks reach relatively and the Indian Union Muslim League dominates minority consolidation.
As one senior BJP leader privately admits, this strategy nudges Hindu votes away from a weak BJP and towards the Left, particularly in regions where the CPI(M) has been electorally bruised.
If that assessment is correct, the unity pitch is less about social harmony and more about tactical vote transfer.
The Real Endgame
So, what is Vellappally Natesan and Sukumaran Nair's endgame? It appears threefold.
First, to block VD Satheeshan's rise as the unquestioned Congress face in Kerala. Second, to keep the Congress leadership unsettled, especially on the chief minister question. Third, to consolidate Hindu votes in a manner that indirectly, and sometimes directly, benefits the CPI(M), especially in the North Kerala region.
This is not a new territory for Kerala politics. What is new is the openness with which caste leaders are now operating in the political arena, no longer as backstage influencers but as visible actors shaping narratives.
In Kerala, elections are not always won by parties alone. They are often decided by those who decide who should not lead.
Right now, both Vellappally Natesan and C Sukumaran Nair seem to agree on one thing.
That leader is VD Satheeshan.
