Beyond Chandigarh, The Other Seat Of Power That Shapes Punjab's Politics

Punjab's power structure cannot be understood by looking only at the government in Chandigarh. Another influential centre operates from Amritsar -- the Shiromani Gurdwara Parbandhak Committee (SGPC). Its religious responsibilities, financial resources and network of elected representatives give it a reach far beyond gurdwara management.

The SGPC does not possess the constitutional authority of a government. Yet it influences public debate, supports education and welfare, intervenes in community concerns and occupies a central place in Sikh institutional life. This combination makes it a parallel power centre whose leadership matters to religious institutions and political parties alike.

As its November 20 presidential election approaches, the larger question concerns more than who occupies the chair. It is about how this influence is exercised, whose interests it serves and how the institution remains accountable to the sangat. 

Jagir Kaur's Return And Akali Consolidation

Bibi Jagir Kaur's expected return to the Akali fold adds a political dimension to the approaching election. Sukhbir Singh Badal is scheduled to visit Begowal on November 15 to welcome her back. Having headed the SGPC during three separate periods, she brings institutional experience and longstanding relationships that could strengthen Akali consolidation. There is strong speculation that she could be considered for the post of SGPC president. Sukhbir Singh Badal's proposed personal visit to her residence to facilitate her rejoining has underlined her political significance. The picture will become clearer on November 20, when the SGPC holds its presidential election.

Harjinder Singh Dhami is the incumbent president, having served five consecutive terms. 

For Sukhbir Badal, reconciliation with an experienced leader could help rebuild organisational strength before the 2027 Assembly election. For the SGPC, the more consequential question is whether such consolidation improves institutional functioning and public confidence.

Religious Authority And Institutional Influence

The SGPC's position rests partly on its connection with Sikh religious authority. An important distinction must nevertheless be preserved: the SGPC and Sri Akal Takht are separate institutions.

The SGPC is a statutory management body. Akal Takht is the highest temporal seat of the Sikhs, exercising religious and moral authority. The SGPC appoints the jathedars of Akal Takht, Takht Kesgarh Sahib and Takht Damdama Sahib. Takht Patna Sahib and Takht Hazur Sahib have separate management arrangements. 

These appointment powers give the SGPC considerable institutional influence. They also raise a recurring question: how can religious authority retain independence when the administrative institution making appointments is closely connected with party politics?

Sikh tradition recalls Maharaja Ranjit Singh submitting to Akali Phula Singh's religious authority, although historical accounts differ over the details. In modern times, leaders including Surjit Singh Barnala, former Union minister Buta Singh and Sukhbir Singh Badal have faced religious censure and undergone atonement. 

Parkash Singh Badal also appeared before the Sikh clergy at Akal Takht in June 2003 and was directed to perform ardas and offer degh. The jathedar described that meeting as an invitation for discussion rather than a summons, an important distinction when recounting the episode. 

Such episodes demonstrate that political office does not necessarily place a Sikh leader beyond religious accountability. Calling Akal Takht the community's "supreme court" expresses its standing metaphorically; it is not a constitutional court.

Financial Strength Beyond Shrine Management

The SGPC approved a Rs 1,487.41-crore budget for 2026-27, an increase of 7.28 per cent over the previous year. Offerings and donations from devotees remain its principal source of income. Its financial strength is therefore built on faith and carries a responsibility to demonstrate how that faith is honoured through public service. 

The largest allocation, Rs 1,127.34 crore, is for gurdwaras, while Rs 120 crore is earmarked for the Dharam Prachar Committee. Other announced provisions include Rs 66.77 crore for educational and associated institutions, Rs 33 crore for new pilgrim accommodation near Sri Darbar Sahib, and Rs 12.50 crore for free education for Sikh children. Panthic welfare receives Rs 7.61 crore, including assistance for imprisoned Sikhs' legal expenses and support for families of those who sacrificed their lives for the faith. These are selected provisions within the wider budget, some falling under broader heads. 

These responsibilities create relationships that extend beyond worship. A student receiving educational assistance, a family seeking medical care, a pilgrim needing accommodation and a prisoner's family seeking legal support encounter different aspects of the same institutional network.

The SGPC runs or supports schools, colleges, professional institutions and healthcare services alongside its religious work. That gives it a continuing presence in community life, rather than influence confined to ceremonial occasions. 

Spending power must, however, be judged by results. The relevant questions are whether services are accessible, appointments are fair and accounts are transparent. A large budget demonstrates capacity; effective administration determines credibility.

Custodianship Carries Responsibility

The SGPC's responsibilities extend to preparing and distributing saroops of Sri Guru Granth Sahib. Its publication department at Guru Granth Sahib Bhawan, associated with Gurdwara Ramsar in Amritsar, undertakes this sensitive work under prescribed religious practices. 

Punjab's Jaagat Jot Sri Guru Granth Sahib Satkar Act, 2008, provides a statutory framework restricting the covered printing, publication and supply activities to the SGPC or bodies authorised by it. This is a responsibility under Punjab's legal framework, rather than a worldwide monopoly. 

For devotees, this is sacred custodianship. For the institution, it requires accurate records, respectful handling and clear accountability. The depth of religious trust makes scrutiny essential.

A Representative Voice Beyond Punjab

The SGPC also speaks on Sikh concerns outside India. Its records include representations to France over restrictions affecting turban-wearing Sikh students. Its International Sikh Advisory Board has brought together representatives from Britain, Canada, the United States and elsewhere to discuss issues facing the community. 

This international engagement helps explain why developments in Amritsar attract attention across the diaspora. The institution's standing travels through religious association and recognition.

Its reach nevertheless has limits. Overseas gurdwaras have their own management structures, and the SGPC does not possess a direct electoral mandate from every Sikh worldwide. Its ability to represent concerns depends on consultation and credibility.

Justice Campaigns Widen Its Role

The SGPC's interventions in legal and humanitarian issues provide another source of influence. In 2012, it submitted a mercy petition for Balwant Singh Rajoana, convicted in the assassination of former Punjab chief minister Beant Singh. His scheduled execution was subsequently stayed. This concerned clemency, not the overturning of his conviction. 

It has also supported efforts concerning victims of the 1984 anti-Sikh violence. In December 2022, its representatives reviewed the pursuit of cases relating to killings in Kanpur. In 2023, its executive announced legal assistance for families seeking to challenge Jagdish Tytler's anticipatory bail in the Pul Bangash case, alongside financial assistance for a principal witness. 

These interventions place it within struggles over justice, memory and community rights. Its contribution should be recognised without attributing every legal outcome to it: survivors, lawyers, campaigners, investigators and courts have distinct roles.

Why Political Parties Value Its Network

The description "mini-parliament of the Sikhs" reflects the SGPC's representative structure. Its traditional full house comprises 170 elected members, 15 co-opted members and six ex-officio members-the five jathedars and Sri Darbar Sahib's head granthi. Thirty elected seats are reserved for women. Haryana's separate gurdwara-management framework has altered the older territorial arrangement. 

Elected members bring local relationships into the institution. Their standing in urban and rural communities can provide political parties with connections to religious workers, institutions and supporters.

Punjab's rural population was 62.51 per cent in the 2011 Census. Locally rooted religious institutions matter within that landscape, but rural Punjab is neither religiously nor politically uniform. Religious respect cannot be treated as an instruction that automatically transfers votes. 

The Akali Dal's organisational advantage has nevertheless been substantial. The SAD-Sant Samaj alliance won 157 of the 170 elected seats in 2011. That result illustrates the strength behind Akali influence in the house, without establishing uninterrupted control by the present Badal-led party throughout SGPC history. 

The political value of this network lies in sustained local contact. Members who remain accessible to their communities can shape conversations and mobilise support. But their influence depends on personal credibility and institutional performance, not simply party affiliation.

The Legitimacy Question

The greatest challenge for this influential institution is the renewal of its representative mandate. The last SGPC general election was held in 2011. Annual elections for president and other office-bearers cannot substitute for a fresh mandate from Sikh voters. 

That gap deserves as much attention as leadership negotiations. An institution claiming representative authority needs opportunities for the electorate to assess its performance and choose its members.

The SGPC remains a parallel power centre because its resources, services, religious responsibilities and political networks reinforce one another. Its lasting strength will depend on whether it protects religious independence, manages devotees' contributions transparently and keeps the interests of the sangat above the calculations of any political party.