That the Turkey-Pakistan brotherhood runs deep is a fact amply underlined by the Turkish response to the recent military tensions between India and Pakistan. But what makes this alliance so strong is not just diplomacy, but history and tradition. Not only had the waning Ottoman Khilafat (or Caliphate) movement influenced the formation of Pakistan, but the shared tradition of the Hanafi school of Sunni Islam, culturality, and moderate Sufism is such that the two countries often fondly call each other 'Kardeslers', meaning "brothers" in Turkish.
The fact that both Turkey and Pakistan were also in the same 'blocs' during the Cold War era - the Baghdad Pact (later Regional Cooperation for Development, and then Economic Cooperation Organisation), the Central Treaty Organisation (CENTO), or even Organisation of Islamic Countries (OIC) and D-8 being examples - helped them geopolitically cement their underlying religio-cultural-historical connection.
The 1965 And 1971 Wars
In 1951, Turkey and Pakistan signed the Treaty of Eternal Friendship. That led to Ankara progressively upping its support to Pakistan in all its wars with India. If the 1965 war saw Turkey supporting Pakistan diplomatically, by 1971, that had turned into material support as well in the form of aircraft assistance. Now, in the latest four-day conflict between the two countries, Turkey is believed to have supplied over 350 drones to Pakistan, along with military advisors and operatives to use the same. The mysterious landing of a Turkish C-130, followed by a visit by Lt Gen Yasar Kadioglu (Chief of Turkish Intelligence) in Pakistan days before Operation Sindoor, also raised suspicions. All this is in addition to the already signed deal to allow for upgrading of Pakistani F-16s at Turkish facilities and supply four stealth corvettes, 30 T129 ATAK helicopters, Kemankes cruise missiles, etc. The Pakistani Prime Minister, Shehbaz Sharif, has personally thanked the Turkish President, Recep Tayyip Erdogan, for his "strong support and unwavering solidarity" during the Indo-Pak conflict.
A Very Close Association
For the two countries, their once-rhetorical support for each other has now decidedly turned into a more strategic one. Just as Islamabad readily concurs with Ankara on Northern Cyprus and refuses to recognise the Armenian genocide, Ankara backs Islamabad on the plebiscite line on Kashmir as well as its bid to join the Nuclear Suppliers Group. But this is not a new shift by any measure. In his memoir, In the Line of Fire, former Pakistani President and dictator Pervez Musharaff fondly recounted how he spent his childhood in Ankara and "their [the people's] very visible love and affection for Pakistan and Pakistanis". It's also worth noting how the Indian Embassy road in Ankara has been renamed Cinnah Caddesi, meaning Jinnah Avenue.
A Simultaneous Slide
It was Turkey's oscillating and contradictory relationship of the 'state' with Islam that had inspired Muhammad Ali Jinnah - and Pervez Musharaff, decades later - to view the country as a model nation that Pakistan must emulate. However, both countries' regressive slide towards puritanism has occurred almost in tandem - in Turkey with the rise of Recep Erdogan, and in Pakistan with the tightening of the vice-like grip of religious narratives. If a more secularist and progressive Kemal Mustapha Atatürk had inspired Pakistani leaders like Jinnah, Ayub, Yahya or even Musharaff, religious hardliners like Erdogan, who rail brazenly at the "West", are the latest poster boys in Pakistan today.
Surely, the bitterly contested domestic politics of Turkey, with the Progressives in the opposition and the religious conservatives under Erdogan, has a role to play too. Both benefit much more from batting on behalf of a "brother muslim nation" like Pakistan. The sheer distance and relatively lower commercial angularities with India are not enough for it to prefer Delhi over Islamabad.
A Rival To Sheikhdoms
Bonhomie with Pakistan is also rooted in Turkey's own ambition to emerge as a leader within the Ummah, or the Islamic World, which is hitherto dominated by Saudi-led Sheikhdoms. Given how India has built stable relations with such Sheikhdoms, the non-Arab majors like Turkey and Pakistan, which were historically treated as "lessers" within the Ummah, are now seeking to stitch a rival "bloc" involving other non-Arab nations, such as Malaysia, Iran and the perennially contrarian but Arab, Qatar. The deliberate exposé of the Khashoggi murder by the Turkish authorities was designed to embarrass the Saudis, underlining the internal rift within the Ummah.
Also, with the US, India and Sheikdoms working conjointly on many fronts, Pakistan is left with only Turkey, along with China, to afford it some bragging rights. By standing up for Pakistan, Erdogan wants to project the imperialist grandeur of "Pasha" - the highest ranking official harking back to the Ottoman era - something the Turkish President desperately seeks to revive.
The Indian Approach
However, for India, Turkey's indulgence of Pakistan has resulted in Delhi asserting its own anti-Turkey view on Northern Cyprus, conducting naval exercises with Turkey's rival, Greece, and even becoming Armenia's largest arms supplier. The Indian reaction is a more recent phenomenon and a fallout of the Erdogan era. The Turkey-less India-Middle East-Europe-Economic Corridor, aimed at countering Ankara's rival geostrategic initiative of 'Iraq Development Road', which shortchanges India, is part of New Delhi's approach.
In a way, Erdogan's own electoral considerations, the solidification of India's relations with Arab Sheikdoms, Afghanistan (increasingly a pain point with Pakistan now), the US and the forever sectarian Iran, will ensure that Turkey and Pakistan continue to deepen their jointmanship, something that is bound to irk Delhi.
As of now, the overwhelming nationalistic fervour in India has resulted in calls to de-prioritise Turkey as a destination for tourism and other exchanges. But that's barely enough to push Turkey to revisit its stance. Supporting Pakistan makes more sense to the calculative and ambitious Erdogan. The dearth of 'Turkish Delight' for India ought not to surprise anyone.
(Lt. Gen. Bhopinder Singh (born 20 March 1946) is the former Lieutenant Governor of The Andaman and Nicobar Islands and Pondicherry and an Indian Army officer who has been awarded the PVSM.)
Disclaimer: These are the personal opinions of the author
