This Article is From Jun 06, 2014

Anger Rises in Pakistan's Secret Sectarian War

Anger Rises in Pakistan's Secret Sectarian War

In this photograph taken on May 6, 2014, apartments belonging to Pakistani Shiite Muslims that were damaged in a car bomb attack iIn March 2013 are seen under repair in the Shiite neighbourhood of Abbas Town in Karachi

Karachi: They have lost parents, brothers and friends in an unprecedented wave of religious violence. Despite pleas against retaliation, the anger of Pakistan's minority Shiite Muslims towards Sunnis has only grown.

Growing violence between the two sides threatens a dangerous and destabilising escalation of the nuclear-armed state's underground sectarian conflict.

In the Abbas Town area of Karachi, the dusty alleys are plastered with posters of local "martyrs" - young men with patchy beards and moustaches.

Here, everyone has lost a friend, relative or neighbour in a bombing or a shooting. In March last year a bomb at the entrance to the quarter killed 45 people.

Syed Zafar Alim Zaidi, a huge man with a rough, greying beard, lost his brother Akhtar in the blast. A few years before, two other brothers were murdered simply because they were Shiites.

"When Akhtar died I felt immense pain and anger, but I did not try to take revenge," he told AFP, sitting in front of the apartment blocks damaged in last year's bombing.

After each attack, local religious leaders go round the streets trying to calm people and keep the peace.

But despite this, the clamour for vengeance is rising in Shiite-dominated areas. Nearly 1,000 Shiites have been killed in the past two years in Pakistan, a heavy toll on the community that makes up roughly 20 percent of the country's population of 180 million, which is predominantly Muslim.

"In our young generation, there is this mindset that says they are killing us, why are we not killing them?" said Mohammad Ali, 32, a computing engineer.

"It was not there before, it is a slow poison. It rises very slowly, but it is progressing."

Syed Ahsan Abbas Rizvi, deputy secretary of the Majlis Wahdat-e-Muslimeen (MWM), the main Shiite party in Karachi, agreed.

"This thinking of revenge exists among the Shiite youth, because if someone is killed in your family it is natural, but this thought should not translate into action," he said.

Not everyone is on board. Last year Sipah-e-Mohammed, an umbrella organisation of smaller Shiite groups, carried out around 50 attacks against Sunnis in Karachi, against 64 attacks by Sunnis on Shiites, according to the Pakistan Institute for Peace Studies (PIPS), an independent research centre.

The 'poison' of revenge

Anti-Shiite attacks have been increasing in recent years in Karachi and also in the southwestern city of Quetta, the northwestern area of Parachinar and the far northeastern town of Gilgit.

But the Shiite fightback has been concentrated in Karachi, the vast port of 20 million people where attackers can easily materialise from the the city's chaotic sprawl and melt away again afterwards.

"These tit for tat activities are only in Karachi and it's intensifying," said Raja Umar Khattab, a leading police officer in the city.

"The real threat in Pakistan is the sectarian violence."

In Karachi, the volume of violence has trebled in the past two years, with more than 200 people killed in sectarian attacks in 2013 in a city plagued by criminal and Taliban activity and kidnappings.

The roots of Pakistan's sectarian strife go back to the early 1980s. Shiites felt victimised by military ruler Zia-ul-Haq's programme of Islamisation, which favoured a conservative Sunni strand of Islam.

In contrast Sunnis - who make up around 80 percent of the population - saw the 1979 revolution in neighbouring Shiite-majority Iran and feared it could spread across the border.

Militant groups with a sectarian agenda sprang up - Sunnis formed Sipah-e-Sahaba (SSP) and later Laskhar-e-Jhangvi and Shiites formed Sipah-e-Mohammad - all officially banned groups but still active.

"This is the purpose of our existence, to stop the influence of the Iranian revolution and the Shiites' effort is to export the Iranian revolution here," said Aurangzeb Farooqi, Karachi head of Ahl-e-Sunnat-wal-Jamaat (ASWJ) - the renamed SSP.

In his house surrounded by security cameras Farooqi - who has survived three recent attempts on his life and is suspected of leading anti-Shiite violence - says his struggle against Shiites is non-violent.

Meticulous planning

Small Shiite groups have been targeting the imams of mosques seen as radical, like that of Farooqi, the authorities say.

Karachi police made a rare arrest this spring of a Sipah-e-Mohammad cell they said was involved in around 20 murders since 2012.

Farooq Awan, the officer leading the probe, said they used sophisticated methods to target anti-Shiite groups like LeJ and SSP - and their financiers.

"They are operating in a unique way. They use licensed arms and they have data on 150 targets, information about their families, their offices, their movements," he said.

"The level of information they have is very high."

He said the group would stake out and observe their targets before striking -- usually a swift volley of gunfire before escaping into the depths of Karachi by motorbike.

The cell's chief Syed Furqan, who is in custody, admitted his role in murdering SSP members and Sunni imams preaching at mosques seen as close to the Taliban, according to a police report seen by AFP.

It was not possible to establish whether these confessions were gained under torture or other coercion - practices all too common in Pakistani police cells.

"Furqan is the man who will go to the mosque when the body arrives and will recruit angry young Shiites. He pays a monthly salary for his group members, provides motorbikes and pays their expenses," a senior official close to the case said.

The reservoirs of anger show no signs of drying up. In a Shiite mosque in Karachi one spring evening, a group of young men wait for the body of one of their friends, shot dead earlier in the day.

For one young man, the time for patient forbearance is coming to an end.

"You learn that this guy has been killed, then another one. Then you ask yourself 'why are we sitting here, we should reply.'"
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